1 引言
当前,早期现代人南方扩散路线研究仍是国际学术界的热点问题。阿拉伯半岛、印度半岛、东南亚和大洋洲地区的一系列重要考古发现和研究成果,为认识早期现代人在欧亚大陆南部地区的迁徙扩散历史和适应生存方式提供了坚实证据。中国南方地区紧邻东南亚和印度半岛,无论从地理位置还是生态环境来看,都可以纳入早期现代人南方扩散路线的研究范围。但是,目前除了几处早期现代人化石地点（如湖南道县福岩洞、广西崇左智人洞）的研究外,其他遗址的研究并未受到国际学术界广泛关注。同时,相比北方扩散路线[9,10],国内学术界对早期现代人南方扩散路线的讨论和研究比较有限。因此,有必要对南方扩散路线的相关内容进行梳理和介绍,并希望从比较的视野推动中国南方地区研究工作的开展。
2 南方扩散路线研究进展
2.1 扩散时间
在阿拉伯半岛,重要的发现包括距今约12.3-9.5万年前的Jebel Faya遗址[11]、距今约10.6万年前的Aybut Al Auwal遗址[12]、距今约10-8万年前的Mundafan Al-Buhayrah遗址[13]以及距今约7.5万年前的Jebel Qattar遗址[14]（图1）1)(1)正文中所涉及遗址的地理位置均已在图1中标注。由于遗址数量较多,为避免非必要的重复,后文不再引用插图号,特此说明。)。这些遗址均发现有与东非旧石器中期技术面貌相近的石制品组合。在近期的报道中,位于半岛北部内夫得沙漠地区的Al Wusta遗址,不仅出土了具有非洲旧石器中期技术风格的石制品组合和带有非洲动物群特点的化石材料,还发现一节早期现代人的指骨化石,年代距今约9.5-8.5万年前,该发现为判断阿拉伯半岛旧石器中期石器的制作者提供了直接证据[15]。另外,研究者在内夫得沙漠地区Alathar古湖沉积中发现早期现代人的脚印化石,年代距今约12.1-11.2万年前,被认为是目前阿拉伯半岛发现的最早的现代人活动证据[16]。
图1
图1
正文中涉及的所有遗址的地理位置图
另附3处年代早于距今约13万年的东非早期现代人遗址位置信息,年代早于距今约5万年前且仅有人类化石发现的遗址加注下划线。
Fig.1
Geographic locations of all sites mentioned in the text
plus information for 3 early modern human sites older than 130 ka in East Africa, sites older than 50 ka and with only human fossils are marked with an underline.
东南亚和澳大利亚大陆近期也有一系列重要发现。印度尼西亚苏门答腊岛Lida Ajer遗址发现的早期现代人牙齿化石,年代距今约7.3-6.3万年前,被认为是现代人占据热带雨林环境的最早证据[20]。菲律宾吕宋岛Callao洞穴发现的人类跖骨化石,年代距今约6.7万年前;研究者认为其与现代人具有某些相近的形态特征,但最新研究将其归入一个新的人种,即吕宋人(Homo luzonensis)[21]。老挝Tam Pa Ling洞穴出土的早期现代人头骨化石,年代距今约6.3-4.6万年前,是迄今东南亚地区发现的年代最早、归属明确的早期现代人骨骼化石[22]。此外,印度尼西亚爪哇岛Punung遗址早年发现的一颗早期现代人牙齿化石,测年结果为距今约12.8-11.8万年前[23]。在澳大利亚,虽然缺少人类化石的发现,但澳大利亚北部Nauwalabila I号遗址底部文化层的年代在距今约6-5.3万年前[24];距离该遗址北约70 km的Madjedbebe遗址（即Malakunanja II号遗址）,底部文化层的最新测年结果为距今约6.5-5.3万年前,表明该地区在距今约5万年前已有人类活动[25,26]。
来自中国南方洞穴遗址的早期现代人化石材料,为认识南方扩散路线的时间和地理范围提供了重要信息。湖南道县福岩洞[27]和广西田东县陆那洞[28]发现的早期现代人牙齿化石,年代分别为距今约12-8万年前和12-7万年前;广西崇左木榄山智人洞发现的早期现代人下颌骨年代距今10万年左右[29];广西柳江县（现柳州市柳江区）发现的柳江人头骨化石,形态上属于早期现代人,通过对地层中次生碳酸岩进行的铀系测年,一些学者认为柳江人头骨化石年代应不晚于距今约7万年,但由于头骨化石系当地工人挖岩泥时所得,因此对其实际出土层位一直存有争议[30,31];广西崇左岩利洞发现的现代人牙齿化石,初步测年结果为距今约6.5-3万年前[32];此外,湖北郧西县黄龙洞遗址不仅发现早期现代人牙齿化石,也发现与牙齿化石同层出土的石制品,遗址铀系测年结果为距今10.3-7.9万年前,而ESR测年结果为距今4.4-3.4万年前[33]。
上述不同地区一系列年代大于5万年的考古发现,为我们认识和思考南方扩散路线的时间提供了重要线索。但是不难发现,其中的大多数遗址要么仅发现旧石器材料,要么只发现人类化石,两种遗物共存的遗址并不多见;另外,一些遗址在人类化石的出土地层、绝对年代、化石种属以及石器技术属性等方面仍存在争议,这些因素都为判断南线扩散人群与文化之间的关联增加了难度。
2.2 扩散路径
3 现阶段的不同观点
围绕新近的一系列发现和研究结果,不同学者在早期现代人南方扩散路线的认识上出现分歧,并由此展开了讨论,以下对具有代表性的几种观点进行概述。
3.1 Petraglia M观点
Petraglia M的观点主要基于阿拉伯半岛和南亚地区新发现的考古材料。通过石器技术的对比分析,Petraglia M等认为在这两个地区发现的旧石器中期技术体系表现出与同时期的非洲的相近性,而与欧洲尼安德特人的旧石器中期技术有所区别。因此认为,这些石器的制作者是从非洲走出来的早期现代人,其扩散时间可早至距今约12万年前,即MIS 5阶段[50⇓-52]。该观点进一步认为,MIS 5阶段湿润多雨的气候条件显著改善了阿拉伯半岛的生态环境,以往的沙漠变为河湖和绿洲,生物资源丰富,吸引了早期现代人的到来[53]。从路线来看,早期现代人既可以通过曼德海峡直接到达阿拉伯半岛,也可以先进入西亚的黎凡特走廊（在Qafzeh和Skhul遗址发现距今约12-9万年的早期现代人头骨化石[54,55]）,再向南到达阿拉伯半岛。早期现代人以阿拉伯半岛为次生演化中心,继续向东扩散,在距今至少8万年前到达印度半岛[51,52]。
3.2 Bae C观点
第二次扩散事件发生在距今约6万年以后,可以看作是最主要的一次走出非洲（Major Out of Africa）事件。这次扩散的人口数量更多,且繁衍更加成功,覆盖了之前阶段扩散出来的现代人的基因信息。从文化上看,第二次扩散出来的早期现代人拥有更加进步的技术能力,比如制作石叶、细石叶、复合型工具以及串珠和染料等象征性产品,这些文化特征在南亚地区的考古记录中均有发现。与南亚地区相比,东南亚和中国南方地区的考古材料中目前尚未识别出明确的石叶和细石叶产品,但是Bae C等认为印度尼西亚苏拉威西岛发现的距今约4万年的洞穴岩画艺术、东帝汶Jerimalai遗址发现的距今约4.2万年的深海捕鱼技术,可以看作是第二次扩散阶段的早期现代人的文化标识[58]。另外,向澳大利亚大陆扩散过程中需要穿过华莱士区（Wallacea,即使在海平面下降的冰期也未露出水面）,因此,造船和航海技术也被认为是南方扩散路线上的早期现代人的重要行为表现[58]。
3.3 Reyes-Centeno H观点
Reyes-Centeno H综合最新的考古材料、人类化石形态和基因研究结果认为,早期现代人最初的扩散发生在距今约14-6.5万年前;早期现代人沿着南方路线到达东南亚、澳大利亚及太平洋南部的美拉尼西亚群岛。在距今5万年左右,来自非洲的第二波人群开始出现扩散浪潮,取代或同化了大部分生活在南方扩散路线上的第一波早期现代人;生活在澳大利亚大陆和美拉尼西亚群岛上的第一波早期现代人,长期处于相对隔离的状态,并未受到第二波人群的影响,最终演化为当地现今的土著人群[60]。
3.4 Mellars P观点
Mellars P的观点主要基于南亚地区考古材料以及基因研究结果。通过对印度半岛距今约6万年前的旧石器中期石器组合的重新分析,Mellars P等认为这些石器并非早期现代人的产物,而更可能是尼安德特人或其他未知的古老型人类留下的,这些石器与晚期阶段出现的细石器技术之间不存在传承关系。南亚地区早期现代人的文化表现包括几何形细石器、精致修理的骨器、串珠饰品、抽象刻划图案等。这些文化特征与欧亚大陆西部早期现代人所表现出的文化特征非常相近,年代上也大致相近,处于旧石器时代晚期阶段[63,64]。印度Jwalapuram第9地点的测年结果显示,这些文化特征在南亚出现的时间为距今约3.8-3.5万年前[65]。斯里兰卡岛Fa Hien-lena遗址和Kitulgala Beli-lena遗址的测年结果将这些文化特征出现的年代提早至距今约4.5万年前[66⇓-68]。
基于现今人类线粒体DNA和Y染色体基因的共祖年代（Coalescence age）结果显示,起源于非洲的线粒体DNA单倍群L3（距今约7.9万年）在从非洲向亚洲的扩散过程中分化出两个古老的奠基单倍群,即单倍群M和单倍群N,两者的分离时间非常接近。单倍群M在南亚的出现时间为距今约5万年前,单倍群N在阿拉伯半岛的出现时间为距今约6万年前[69,70]。另外,从Y染色体来看,非洲以外人群的Y染色体具有来自非洲支系的近期祖先,其奠基单倍群C、D和F的出现年代在距今约6-4万年前,略晚于线粒体DNA的估算结果[71,72]。总体来看,基于现今人类基因序列的研究结果,支持南方扩散路线上的早期现代人出现时间不早于距今约6万年前的观点[64]。
Mellars P的观点与传统上学界对早期现代人扩散的认识较为一致。比如,Klein R也认为早期现代人是在经历了旧石器时代晚期的技术革新之后走出非洲的,时间在距今5万年左右。现代人进入西亚之后,分成两支,一支沿南方扩散路线到达印度、东南亚等地,一支则沿北方扩散路线到达西欧、中亚和东北亚等地区[73]。同时,Klein R认为基因突变导致了非洲早期现代人出现复杂的语言能力和高级认知能力（比如艺术思想和象征性行为）,这些能力帮助他们成功占据和适应多样化的生存环境,并在与尼安德特人、丹尼索瓦人等古老型人类的竞争中胜出[74]。Oppenheimer S则主要根据分子生物钟的定年,认为早期现代人的扩散是单次事件,时间可追溯至距今约7.5-6万年前,即MIS 4阶段;并认为该阶段干冷气候导致的海平面下降、海水盐度增加,以及海滨食物资源的减少,可能迫使早期现代人越过曼德海峡,占据受到季风影响而生物量相对充足的印度洋沿岸地区[75,76]。
4 考古证据
由于古人类化石材料的稀少以及DNA遗传定年的某些不确定性（如突变速率、代际时间的估计误差等）,对文化遗存的解读和研究成为探讨早期现代人南方扩散路线的重要途径。从目前的发现来看,距今约5万年以前的考古材料以石制品为主;在距今约5万年以后,包括装饰品、颜料、岩画等在内的多种形式的物质文化遗存开始出现。以下内容以距今约5万年为节点进行介绍。
4.1 距今约5万年前
该阶段的材料主要来自阿拉伯半岛、印度半岛和澳大利亚,以具有旧石器中期技术特征的石制品为主。由于早期现代人和尼安德特人都曾使用旧石器中期技术,因此如何确定石器技术与特定人种之间的联系成为核心问题。
Aybut Al Auwal遗址最具特色的发现是努比亚预制石核（Nubian core）,占到该遗址石核总量的79%,其中1型努比亚石核的数量又远远大于2型的数量（图2）。此外,遗址中还发现数量较多的勒瓦娄哇石片、勒瓦娄哇石叶和勒瓦娄哇尖状器,但缺少叶形器[12]。根据这些特点,研究者认为Aybut Al Auwal遗址石器技术类似于在北非地区发现的晚期努比亚技术体系3)(3) 努比亚技术体系主要发现于北非尼罗河谷地区,是非洲旧石器中期一种区域性的技术变体,年代主要在MIS 5阶段。根据预制方式的不同,可将努比亚石核分为1型和2型两类（图2）,两者均以生产三角形石片为特色。早期努比亚技术体系具有高比例的2型石核以及两面加工的手斧和叶形器,晚期努比亚技术体系则以1型石核为主,同时缺少两面修理工具[77]。),Usik V等将其命名为非洲-阿拉伯努比亚技术体系（Afro-Arabian Nubian technocomplex）,以突显两个地区文化上的强烈联系[77]。Aybut Al Auwal遗址发现的努比亚石制品组合被认为是早期现代人在MIS 5阶段从非洲扩散到阿拉伯半岛的有力证据。
图2
图2
文中涉及的旧石器中期阶段不同形式的预制石核技术
Fig.2
Various forms of prepared core technologies in the Middle Stone Age/Middle Paleolithic stage mentioned in the paper
Mundafan Al-Buhayrah（即MDF-61）遗址发现的石核以向心循环剥片型勒瓦娄哇石核和向心优先剥片型勒瓦娄哇石核为主,勒瓦娄哇石片背面大多为向心片疤,石片形态多呈卵圆形和矩形（图2）。遗址发现的工具主要是锯齿刃器和汇聚型修理的尖状器[13]。研究者认为这些特点既不同于努比亚技术,也不同于黎凡特地区尼安德特人的旧石器中期技术4)(4) 黎凡特地区旧石器中期技术可分早、中、晚三期。早期阶段（> 13万年前）的石核技术以单向循环剥片和对向循环剥片的勒瓦娄哇石核为主（图2）,生产勒瓦娄哇石叶,一般认为对应当地古老的尼安德特人;中期阶段（13-7万年前）以向心预制的勒瓦娄哇石核为主（图2）,一般认为对应从非洲扩散至此的早期现代人（如Skhul、Qafzeh早期现代人）;晚期阶段（7-4.5万年前）以循环或优先剥片的单向汇聚型勒瓦娄哇石核为主（图2）,生产勒瓦娄哇尖状器、石叶、自然背刀（Naturally backed knife）等产品,一般认为对应从东南欧扩散至此的尼安德特人[79]。),而与同时期东非早期现代人使用的技术具有相似属性。
印度半岛：具有明确测年数据的旧石器中期遗址也比较少,目前研究主要集中在两个遗址,即位于西北部的Katoati遗址（距今约9.6-6万年前）和东南部的Jwalapuram遗址（距今约8.5-7.5万年前）。
Jwalapuram遗址包含多个旧石器地点,其中第3地点和第22地点出土有旧石器中期石制品,研究者对这两处地点的预制石核进行了详细研究[18,19,83]。以Clarkson C等的研究为例,通过对来自旧大陆不同地区的867件石核的判别分析,认为Jwalapuram遗址石核与南非旧石器中期遗址的石核（尤其是Howiesons Poort5)(5) Howiesons Poort技术体系是南非旧石器时代中期一种广泛分布的区域性技术类型,以生产小型石叶和制作几何形修背工具为特色。一般认为该技术体系存在的时间相对较短,在距今约6.5-6万年前[85]。)技术体系中的石核）有显著联系,而与东非、北非、西亚和西欧等地区旧石器中期遗址的石核无相关性[84]。
针对上述研究结果,Mellars P等提出了质疑。首先,从地理位置来看,Jwalapuram遗址石核应该与东非地区（而非相距更远的南非）的石核存在更紧密的联系,但判别分析结果恰好相反。其次,研究者选用的南非石核标本大部分来自Howiesons Poort技术体系,该技术体系在南非存在的时间在距今约6.5-6万年前。按照更早阶段走出非洲的观点,同类石核在南非出现的时间应早于印度,但目前的年代结果正好相反。最后,Mellars P等认为Jwalapuram遗址大多数石核并不具备勒瓦娄哇石核的典型特征,努比亚石核的技术特征也不显著。另外,目前尚未发现单面或两面侵入性修理的尖状器[64]。
相比阿拉伯半岛,学者们对南亚地区距今约5万年前的石制品组合的技术属性仍存在较大争议。根据目前的线索,发现更多技术特征明确的努比亚石核以及修理意图明显的带铤尖状器,或可为解决争议提供帮助。
Madjedbebe遗址底部文化层石制品以石英岩、硅质岩、泥岩和辉绿岩为主要原料。石英岩石片尺寸较大,轮廓形态多呈长的汇聚型,硅质岩石片小而薄,且台面大多经过预制或打磨,部分硅质岩小石片很可能是修理尖状器过程中产生的削薄石片(Thinning flake)。根据向心剥片石核、尖状器的存在以及细石器技术的缺失等特点,Clarkson C等认为该遗址石制品组合与印度半岛旧石器中期石制品组合具有显著联系,表明携带旧石器中期技术的早期现代人在距今约6.5万年前已扩散到澳大利亚[86]。除打制石器外,遗址中还发现了一定数量的研磨制品,其中包括边缘局部磨光的短斧（Edge-ground hatchet）、用来研磨植物种子和赤铁矿粉的磨石、经过研磨的赭石等。赭石周围发现的云母残片,被认为是世界上最早使用反光颜料的证据[26,87]。
4.2 距今约5万年以来
距今约5万年以来,南方扩散路线上的考古证据开始逐渐增多,同时也有更多早期现代人化石的发现。本文重点关注距今约5-3万年前的重要考古发现,这一时期是早期现代人大范围地理扩散和适应多样化生态环境的关键阶段,为后续不同地区早期现代人的发展与演化奠定了重要基础。
南亚：斯里兰卡岛Fa Hien-lena洞穴遗址发现目前南亚地区年代最早的现代人化石,距今约4.8-3.4万年前[67,88]。与现代人化石伴出的文化遗存包括细石器组合、骨器、赭石、穿孔海贝珠等具有革新性特征的产品。Fa Hien-lena遗址细石器组合的主要特征有：大量使用石英原料;石核剥片以砸击法为主,用于生产细小石片（长度小于40mm）和细石叶,后者在石制品中所占比例低;含有少量修背工具[66]。骨器类型以磨制的尖状器为主,很可能用作狩猎半树栖和树栖动物的投掷矛头。遗址动物群的分析显示,小型哺乳动物是主要狩猎对象,以猴子（猕猴、叶猴等）和松鼠所占比例最高。动物死亡年龄结构呈现壮年居优型特点,说明有目的的狩猎是获取动物资源的主要方式[67]。
东南亚：目前发现的距今约5-3万年前的现代人化石主要来自马来西亚婆罗洲岛Niah洞穴遗址（距今约4.5-3.9万年前）[93]、菲律宾巴拉望岛Tabon洞穴遗址（距今约4.7万年前）[94]和印度尼西亚爪哇岛Wajak遗址（距今约3.7-2.8万年前）[95]。其中,Niah遗址和Tabon遗址的早期文化层中均出土有石制品,且石器技术特征相似：原料均为就近取材,岩性以各类硅质岩（燧石、石英岩、碧玉等）为主;石核剥片主要采用锤击法,缺乏预制技术;石核和石片尺寸小;修理工具的数量很少[96,97]。微痕分析显示,石片多作用于硬度较大的材质,部分石片的边缘可见磨光痕迹,很可能用来加工骨器或竹木器[98]。另外,少量石片上保留的树脂残留物,暗示存在用于捆绑的复合型工具[96]。
上述技术特征和使用方式见于大多数距今约5-3万年前的东南亚遗址,比如泰国Lang Rongrien遗址6)(6) Lang Rongrien岩厦遗址文化层可分为三期：早期年代距今约4.3-2.7万年前,石制品以小型石核和石片为主;中期年代为早全新世,出土典型的和平文化（Hoabinhian culture）石器类型;晚期年代距今约4000-2500年,主要作为墓地性质的遗址使用[99,100]。)（距今约4.3-2.7万年前）[99,100]、东帝汶Jerimalai遗址（距今约4.2万年前）和Lene Hara遗址（距今约4.2万年前）[101⇓-103]、越南Nguom遗址7)(7) Nguom遗址包含三个文化层位,底部文化层年代早于距今约3.2万年前,出土以小型石片为主的石制品组合;中部文化层年代距今约2.3万年前,出土山韦文化（Son Vi culture）石制品;上部文化层年代距今约1.9万年前,出土和平文化石制品。翁文化（Nguomien culture）的命名即来源于该遗址,用以代表底部文化层以小型石片为主的石制品组合[104]。)（> 3.2万年前）[104]、印度尼西亚塔劳群岛Leang Sarru遗址（距今约3.5万年前）、印度尼西亚苏拉威西岛Leang Burung 2遗址（距今约3.1万年前）[105⇓-107]、印度尼西亚格贝岛Golo遗址（距今约3.2万年前）[108]。其中,Jerimalai遗址是目前石制品出土数量最多且研究最为深入的遗址之一。该遗址石制品原料以燧石为主,石核剥片以锤击法为主,砸击法次之,锤击剥片石核的类型主要为多台面石核和盘状石核,缺少预制石核。石核与石片均非常小,石核上保留的最大完整片疤长度平均为10 mm,完整石片的平均长度约14 mm,部分石片的台面部位可观察到使用痕迹,可能作为复合型工具使用[109]。遗址工具比例低,类型以刮削器、凹缺器、锯齿刃器为主,另有少量雕刻器和汇聚型修理的尖状工具,可能用于加工有机质工具[101,102]。
澳大利亚、巴布亚新几内亚：目前,这两个地区发现的距今约5-3万年前的考古遗址至少有二十余处,分布范围也非常广泛。澳大利亚东南部Lake Mungo遗址发现该区年代最早的现代人化石,距今约4万年前[113]。澳大利亚西北部的Carpenters Gap 1遗址是该阶段代表性遗址之一,底部文化层年代距今约5.1-3.8万年前,该层发现边缘局部磨光的短斧、赭石颜料以及澳大利亚目前年代最早的骨制品,研究者认为这件骨制品可能作为骨锥或穿鼻的装饰品使用,其年代早于距今约4.6万年前[114⇓-116]。石制品主要以石英为原料,石核和石片的尺寸均非常小,石核上完整片疤的长度在30.5-7.9 mm,表明制作者有意识的剥取细小、锋利且形态不规则的石片,研究者认为可能与人群的高流动性相关。石核剥片既有锤击法也有砸击法,后者被认为是最大化利用石核以及生产细小石片的有效方法[114]。
位于澳大利亚南部干旱区的Warratyi岩厦遗址,发现与技术革新和象征性行为相关的考古证据。遗址中下部文化层中出土红色赭石颜料（距今约4.9-4.6万年前）、白色石膏颜料（距今约4-3.3万年前）和骨质尖状器（距今约4-3.8万年前）。部分石片上的树脂残留物是目前在澳大利亚发现的最早使用石质捆绑工具的证据（距今约3.8-3.5万年前）[117]。
巴布亚新几内亚的考古发现分布在新几内亚岛、新英格兰岛和新爱尔兰岛等岛屿上。其中,新几内亚岛Ivane流域发现一系列位于岛屿内部（距现今海岸线约110 km）的旷野遗址,海拔均在2000 m左右。Ivane流域Vilakuav遗址底部文化层年代距今约4.9-4.3万年前,South Kov遗址和Airport Mound遗址底部文化层距今约4.6-4.3万年前,Kosipe Mission遗址底部文化层年代约4.1-3.8万年前[118]。这几处遗址底部文化层中都发现有石制品,原料来自附近的河滩砾石,岩性比较多样,包括玄武岩、片岩、变质玄武岩和石英等。其中,石英主要用来生产小石片,而各类变质岩主要用来加工一种被称作束腰斧（Waisted axe）的重型工具。这类工具一般以砾石为毛坯单面修理而成,两侧边分别有一个较为显著的凹陷形成束腰形态,可能为了便于捆绑[118,119]。关于束腰斧的功能,Groube L推测是为了清除高大树木（Forest clearance）,以便其他植物更好的生长[120]。从这些遗址出土的植物遗存来看,生长在高地地区的露兜树属（Pandanus）植物坚果是古人类的主要食物[118]。
位于新几内亚岛海岸线附近的遗址有Bobongara遗址（年代> 4.3万年前）和Lachitu遗址（距今约4.3-3.7万年前）[119,121]。其他海滨型遗址还有新爱尔兰岛的Buang Merabak遗址（距今约4.5-4.3万年前）和Matenkupkum遗址（距今约4.1-3.9万年前）[122⇓⇓-125],以及新英格兰岛的Kupona na Dari遗址（距今约3.8-3.4万年前）[126]。对Kupona na Dari遗址石制品的分析显示,远距离搬运的黑曜岩是制作石器的主要原料,小型石片是最主要成分,并且部分石片被作为剥取细小石片的石核来使用。石片的双重性质是较高水平的计划性和预见性的体现,即在需要之时能够随时保证石器的供给,从而降低觅食成本和风险[119,126]。在Buang Merabak遗址,研究者发现1件穿孔的虎鲨牙齿吊坠（距今约3.95-2.8万年前）,是目前该地区发现的年代最早的个人装饰品[127]。
5 讨论与结语
从考古学的视角来看,南方扩散路线上年代早于距今约5万年前的考古遗址主要表现为具有多样化特征的旧石器中期技术。澳大利亚Madjedbebe遗址虽然缺乏明确的旧石器中期技术,但是,研究者认为该遗址出土的研磨石器、赭石颜料等反映了革新性技术因素和象征性行为的出现,是当地早期现代人的文化表现。在距今约5-3万年前,南方扩散路线上与早期现代人相关的考古遗址数量显著增多,更多的文化革新要素逐渐出现,比如骨质尖状器、穿孔串珠装饰品和洞穴岩画等。石器技术方面,南亚地区出现细石叶和几何形修背工具,东南亚和大洋洲的石制品组合中虽然尚未发现这些石器类型,但也呈现出明显的细小化趋势8)(8) 石制品细小化在英文文献中常用Lithic miniaturization来表示[128]。石制品细小化并不完全等同于细石器化（Microlith）,后者是以制作具有规范形态的几何形细石器为特征,前者主要是以系统地制作和使用细小石片和细小修理工具为特征的一套技术体系,有着较强的技术上的变异性,是一个更具包容性的术语（包括了细石器化）。关于细小石制品的尺寸界定,多数学者以小于30-50 mm为标准。尽管石制品细小化现象出现于更新世的不同阶段和旧大陆的不同地区,但是,从整体发展趋势来看,石制品细小化在晚更新世阶段,尤其是晚更新世晚期以来逐渐发展成为一种全球化的现象,并且蕴含着非常重要的演化上的意义,研究者通常将其与生态风险管理、投掷武器的使用、人口地理扩散以及现代人行为等联系起来[128,129]。)。微痕和残留物分析显示,部分细小石片可能被用来加工有机质工具或作为复合型工具使用。
上述发现和认识,一方面体现了南方扩散路线上的早期现代人与同时期欧亚大陆北部地区早期现代人具有某些相似的行为特征,另一方面也说明南方路线上的早期现代人独立发展出了一些区域性的适应行为,这些行为还表现在对热带雨林资源以及海洋资源的开发和利用、造船和航海技术的出现等方面。对于旧石器研究者来说,行为的区域性主要表现在早期现代人在南方扩散路线上的某些区域,如东南亚和大洋洲地区采用了标识并不明显的、权宜性的石器技术。相比其他物质文化遗存所表现出的相对明确的早期现代人行为特征,如何从石制品技术特征方面反映和揭示南方路线上的早期现代人的出现和演化,是当前的主要挑战之一。作为今后的研究方向,这些地区石制品组合表现出的细小化特点应该是值得关注和研究的问题。
中国南方地区由于在地理位置和生态环境上与东南亚紧密相连,已被作为早期现代人南方扩散路线中的一个重要区域[58]。目前的证据主要来自于古人类化石,但该区域大量的考古文化遗存并未引起国内外学术界的充分关注和重视。从目前的材料来看,中国南方的云贵高原地区已发现一些旧石器中期石器技术的线索,比如贵州观音洞遗址发现的勒瓦娄哇石制品组合[130],以及云南天华洞遗址和龙潭遗址发现的似基纳技术的石制品组合[131,132],这些遗址的年代均早于距今约5万年前。另外,在距今约5万年以来的中国南方考古遗址中（如广西白莲洞、娅怀洞遗址）,具有细小化特征的石制品组合也有较为广泛的发现[133,134]。对这些材料进行更为深入、细致的研究,阐释其技术特征、技术属性及蕴含的行为信息,对于更好的认识和揭示中国南方地区早期现代人的出现和演化具有重要作用。
致谢
感谢中国科学院古脊椎动物与古人类研究所邢松在古人类化石方面、毛晓伟在古DNA方面提供的帮助和讨论。
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[J].The Youngest Toba Tuff (YTT) eruption, which occurred in Indonesia 74,000 years ago, is one of Earth's largest known volcanic events. The effect of the YTT eruption on existing populations of humans, and accordingly on the course of human evolution, is debated. Here we associate the YTT with archaeological assemblages at Jwalapuram, in the Jurreru River valley of southern India. Broad continuity of Middle Paleolithic technology across the YTT event suggests that hominins persisted regionally across this major eruptive event.
The 74 ka Toba super-eruption and southern Indian hominins: archaeology, lithic technology and environments at Jwalapuram Locality 3
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An early modern human presence in Sumatra 73,000-63,000 years ago
[J].DOI:10.1038/nature23452 URL [本文引用: 1]
A new species of Homo from the Late Pleistocene of the Philippines
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Anatomically modern human in Southeast Asia (Laos) by 46 ka
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Age and biostratigraphic significance of the Punung Rainforest Fauna, East Java, Indonesia, and implications for Pongo and Homo
[J].The Punung Fauna is a key component in the biostratigraphic sequence of Java. It represents the most significant faunal turnover on the island in the last 1.5 million years, when Stegodon and other archaic mammal species characteristic of earlier Faunal stages were replaced by a fully modern fauna that included rainforest-dependent species such as Pongo pygmaeus (orangutan). Here, we report the first numerical ages for the Punung Fauna obtained by luminescence and uranium-series dating of the fossil-bearing deposits and associated flowstones. The Punung Fauna contained in the dated breccia is of early Last Interglacial age (between 128+/-15 and 118+/-3 ka). This result has implications for the age of the preceding Ngandong Fauna, including Homo erectus remains found in the Ngandong Terrace, and for the timing of Homo sapiens arrival in Southeast Asia, in view of claims for a modern human tooth associated with the Punung breccia.
The human colonisation of Australia: optical dates of 53,000 and 60,000 years bracket human arrival at Deaf Adder Gorge, Northern Territory
[J].DOI:10.1016/0277-3791(94)90080-9 URL [本文引用: 2]
Thermoluminescence dating of a 50,000-year-old human occupation site in northern Australia
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Human occupation of northern Australia by 65,000 years ago
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The earliest unequivocally modern humans in southern China
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Modern human teeth from late Pleistocene Luna cave (Guangxi, China)
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Human remains from Zhirendong, South China, and modern human emergence in East Asia
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Huanglong cave: a Late Pleistocene human fossil site in Hubei Province, China
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Did early humans go north or south?
[J].DOI:10.1126/science.1113261 PMID:15890867 [本文引用: 1]
Molluscan Fauna from Klasies River, South Africa
[J].
A study of a last interglacial shell midden and bone accumulation at Herolds Bay, Cape Province, South Africa
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The origins and significance of coastal resource use in Africa and Western Eurasia
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Early human occupation of the Red Sea coast of Eritrea during the last interglacial
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Pelagic fishing at 42,000 years before the present and the maritime skills of modern humans
[J].
Are osseous artefacts a window to perishable material culture? Implications of an unusually complex bone tool from the Late Pleistocene of East Timor
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The success of failed Homo sapiens dispersals out of Africa and into Asia
[J].
Stable isotopes in guano: Potential contributions towards palaeoenvironmental reconstruction in Tabon Cave, Palawan, Philippines
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The‘human revolution’in lowland tropical Southeast Asia: the antiquity and behavior of anatomically modern humans at Niah Cave (Sarawak, Borneo)
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Assessment of the southern dispersal: GIS-based analyses of potential routes at oxygen isotopic stage 4
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The southern dispersal hypothesis and the South Asian archaeological record: Examination of dispersal routes through GIS analysis
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Pleistocene rainforests: barriers or attractive environments for early human foragers?
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Tropical forests and the genus Homo
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The Middle Palaeolithic of Arabia: Implications for modern human origins, behaviour and dispersals
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Out of Africa: new hypotheses and evidence for the dispersal of Homo sapiens along the Indian Ocean rim
[J].
DOI:10.3109/03014461003639249
PMID:20334598
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The dispersal of Homo sapiens out of Africa is a significant topic in human evolutionary studies. Most investigators agree that our species arose in Africa and subsequently spread out to occupy much of Eurasia. Researchers have argued that populations expanded along the Indian Ocean rim at ca 60,000 years ago during a single rapid dispersal event, probably employing a coastal route towards Australasia. Archaeologists have been relatively silent about the movement and expansion of human populations in terrestrial environments along the Indian Ocean rim, although it is clear that Homo sapiens reached Australia by ca 45,000 years ago. Here, we synthesize and document current genetic and archaeological evidence from two major landmasses, the Arabian peninsula and the Indian subcontinent, regions that have been underplayed in the story of out of Africa dispersals. We suggest that modern humans were present in Arabia and South Asia earlier than currently believed, and probably coincident with the presence of Homo sapiens in the Levant between ca 130 and 70,000 years ago. We show that climatic and environmental fluctuations during the Late Pleistocene would have had significant demographic effects on Arabian and South Asian populations, though indigenous populations would have responded in different ways. Based on a review of the current genetic, archaeological and environmental data, we indicate that demographic patterns in Arabia and South Asia are more interesting and complex than surmised to date.
Rethinking the dispersal of Homo sapiens out of Africa
[J].DOI:10.1002/evan.21455 URL [本文引用: 2]
Human dispersal across diverse environments of Asia during the Upper Pleistocene
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.quaint.2013.01.008 URL [本文引用: 1]
ESR dates for the hominid burial site of Qafzeh in Israel
[J].DOI:10.1016/0047-2484(88)90063-2 URL [本文引用: 1]
U-series and ESR analyses of bones and teeth relating to the human burials from Skhul
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Population increase and environmental deterioration correspond with microlithic innovations in South Asia ca. 35,000 years ago
[J].DOI:10.1073/pnas.0810842106 URL [本文引用: 2]
Environments and cultural change in the Indian subcontinent: Implications for the dispersal of Homo sapiens in the Late Pleistocene
[J].The Indian subcontinent lies on a key east-west corridor for hominin expansions across Asia, which has led to it playing a prominent role in debate surrounding the dispersal of modern humans. The current geography and ecology of the region consists of a diverse array of habitats. An examination of changes in monsoonal intensity indicates that geographic reconfiguration of ecological diversity occurred, but at a regional level, South Asia is shown to provide suitable environments for hominin occupations throughout the Late Pleistocene. Unfortunately, the fossil record of South Asia remains poor, preventing decisive resolution of modern human dispersal debates. However, in the past decade new interdisciplinary approaches to the archaeological record have overhauled the framework for understanding behavioral change during the Late Pleistocene. While the nature of the Late Acheulean to Middle Paleolithic transition remains to be resolved, it is now clear that it appears significantly later than in other Old World regions and may coincide with the expansion of modern humans across Asia. Mounting evidence supports a gradual rather than abrupt transition from Middle to Late Paleolithic technologies, which does not easily reconcile with arguments for the introduction of microlithic tool kits by the earliest expansions of modern humans.
On the origin of modern humans: Asian perspectives
[J].
Genomic analyses inform on migration events during the peopling of Eurasia
[J].DOI:10.1038/nature19792 URL [本文引用: 1]
Out of Africa and into Asia: Fossil and genetic evidence on modern human origins and dispersals
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.quaint.2015.11.063 URL [本文引用: 3]
Genomic and cranial phenotype data support multiple modern human dispersals from Africa and a southern route into Asia
[J].DOI:10.1073/pnas.1323666111 URL [本文引用: 2]
Testing modern human out-of-Africa dispersal models and implications for modern human origins
[J].
DOI:S0047-2484(15)00160-8
PMID:26164107
[本文引用: 1]
The modern human expansion process out of Africa has important implications for understanding the genetic and phenotypic structure of extant populations. While intensely debated, the primary hypotheses focus on either a single dispersal or multiple dispersals out of the continent. Here, we use the human fossil record from Africa and the Levant, as well as an exceptionally large dataset of Holocene human crania sampled from Asia, to model ancestor-descendant relationships along hypothetical dispersal routes. We test the spatial and temporal predictions of competing out-of-Africa models by assessing the correlation of geographical distances between populations and measures of population differentiation derived from quantitative cranial phenotype data. Our results support a model in which extant Australo-Melanesians are descendants of an initial dispersal out of Africa by early anatomically modern humans, while all other populations are descendants of a later migration wave. Our results have implications for understanding the complexity of modern human origins and diversity. Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Going east: New genetic and archaeological perspectives on the modern human colonization of Eurasia
[J].
DOI:10.1126/science.1128402
PMID:16902130
[本文引用: 2]
The pattern of dispersal of biologically and behaviorally modern human populations from their African origins to the rest of the occupied world between approximately 60,000 and 40,000 years ago is at present a topic of lively debate, centering principally on the issue of single versus multiple dispersals. Here I argue that the archaeological and genetic evidence points to a single successful dispersal event, which took genetically and culturally modern populations fairly rapidly across southern and southeastern Asia into Australasia, and with only a secondary and later dispersal into Europe.
Genetic and archaeological perspectives on the initial modern human colonization of southern Asia
[J].DOI:10.1073/pnas.1306043110 URL [本文引用: 6]
The oldest and longest enduring microlithic sequence in India: 35 000 years of modern human occupation and change at the Jwalapuram Locality 9 rockshelter
[J].DOI:10.1017/S0003598X0009846X URL [本文引用: 2]
Microliths in the South Asian rainforest -45-4 ka: New insights from Fa Hien-lena Cave, Sri Lanka
[J].
Specialized rainforest hunting by Homo sapiens -45,000 years ago
[J].
DOI:10.1038/s41467-019-08623-1
PMID:30783099
[本文引用: 3]
Defining the distinctive capacities of Homo sapiens relative to other hominins is a major focus for human evolutionary studies. It has been argued that the procurement of small, difficult-to-catch, agile prey is a hallmark of complex behavior unique to our species; however, most research in this regard has been limited to the last 20,000 years in Europe and the Levant. Here, we present detailed faunal assemblage and taphonomic data from Fa-Hien Lena Cave in Sri Lanka that demonstrates specialized, sophisticated hunting of semi-arboreal and arboreal monkey and squirrel populations from ca. 45,000 years ago, in a tropical rainforest environment. Facilitated by complex osseous and microlithic technologies, we argue these data highlight that the early capture of small, elusive mammals was part of the plastic behavior of Homo sapiens that allowed it to rapidly colonize a series of extreme environments that were apparently untouched by its hominin relatives.
Late Pleistocene to early-Holocene rainforest foraging in Sri Lanka: Multidisciplinary analysis at Kitulgala Beli-lena
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.quascirev.2020.106200 URL [本文引用: 2]
The Arabian cradle: Mitochondrial relicts of the first steps along the southern route out of Africa
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.ajhg.2011.12.010 URL [本文引用: 1]
A “Copernican” reassessment of the human mitochondrial DNA tree from its root
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.ajhg.2012.03.002 URL [本文引用: 1]
Use of Y chromosome and mitochondrial DNA population structure in tracing human migrations
[J].Well-resolved molecular gene trees illustrate the concept of descent with modification and exhibit the opposing processes of drift and migration, both of which influence population structure. Phylogenies of the maternally inherited mtDNA genome and the paternally inherited portion of the nonrecombining Y chromosome retain sequential records of the accumulation of genetic diversity. Although knowledge regarding the diversity of the entire human genome will be needed to completely characterize human genetic evolution, these uniparentally inherited loci are unique indicators of gender in modulating the extant population structure. We compare and contrast these loci for patterns of continuity and discreteness and discuss how their phylogenetic diversity and progression provide means to disentangle ancient colonization events by pioneering migrants from subsequent overlying migrations. We introduce new results concerning Y chromosome founder haplogroups C, DE, and F that resolve their previous trifurcation and improve the harmony with the mtDNA recapitulation of the out-of-Africa migration.
A worldwide survey of human male demographic history based on Y-SNP and Y-STR data from the HGDP-CEPH populations
[J].DOI:10.1093/molbev/msp243 URL [本文引用: 1]
Out of Africa and the evolution of human behavior
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The great arc of dispersal of modern humans: Africa to Australia
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.quaint.2008.05.015 URL [本文引用: 2]
A single southern exit of modern humans from Africa: Before or after Toba?
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.quaint.2011.07.049 URL [本文引用: 1]
Nubian Complex reduction strategies in Dhofar, southern Oman
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.quaint.2012.08.2111 URL [本文引用: 2]
The Middle Stone Age archaeology of the Lower Omo Valley Kibish Formation: Excavations, lithic assemblages, and inferred patterns of early Homo sapiens behavior
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.jhevol.2008.05.014 URL [本文引用: 1]
When did Homo sapiens first reach Southeast Asia and Sahul?
[J].DOI:10.1073/pnas.1808385115 URL [本文引用: 1]
Middle Palaeolithic occupation in the Thar Desert during the Upper Pleistocene: the signature of a modern human exit out of Africa?
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.quascirev.2013.06.012 URL [本文引用: 1]
Middle Palaeolithic point technologies in the Thar Desert, India
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.quaint.2015.02.027 URL [本文引用: 1]
A southern Indian Middle Palaeolithic occupation surface sealed by the 74 ka Toba eruption: Further evidence from Jwalapuram Locality 22
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.quaint.2011.08.040 URL [本文引用: 1]
Continuity and change in the lithic industries of the Jurreru Valley, India, before and after the Toba eruption
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.quaint.2011.11.007 URL [本文引用: 1]
Technological trends in the Middle Stone Age of South Africa between MIS 7 and MIS 3
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Human occupation of northern India spans the Toba super-eruption -74,000 years ago
[J].
DOI:10.1038/s41467-020-14668-4
PMID:32098950
[本文引用: 3]
India is located at a critical geographic crossroads for understanding the dispersal of Homo sapiens out of Africa and into Asia and Oceania. Here we report evidence for long-term human occupation, spanning the last ~80 thousand years, at the site of Dhaba in the Middle Son River Valley of Central India. An unchanging stone tool industry is found at Dhaba spanning the Toba eruption of ~74 ka (i.e., the Youngest Toba Tuff, YTT) bracketed between ages of 79.6 ± 3.2 and 65.2 ± 3.1 ka, with the introduction of microlithic technology ~48 ka. The lithic industry from Dhaba strongly resembles stone tool assemblages from the African Middle Stone Age (MSA) and Arabia, and the earliest artefacts from Australia, suggesting that it is likely the product of Homo sapiens as they dispersed eastward out of Africa.
The archaeology, chronology and stratigraphy of Madjedbebe (Malakunanja II): A site in northern Australia with early occupation
[J].
DOI:10.1016/j.jhevol.2015.03.014
PMID:25957653
[本文引用: 1]
Published ages of >50 ka for occupation at Madjedbebe (Malakunanja II) in Australia's north have kept the site prominent in discussions about the colonisation of Sahul. The site also contains one of the largest stone artefact assemblages in Sahul for this early period. However, the stone artefacts and other important archaeological components of the site have never been described in detail, leading to persistent doubts about its stratigraphic integrity. We report on our analysis of the stone artefacts and faunal and other materials recovered during the 1989 excavations, as well as the stratigraphy and depositional history recorded by the original excavators. We demonstrate that the technology and raw materials of the early assemblage are distinctive from those in the overlying layers. Silcrete and quartzite artefacts are common in the early assemblage, which also includes edge-ground axe fragments and ground haematite. The lower flaked stone assemblage is distinctive, comprising a mix of long convergent flakes, some radial flakes with faceted platforms, and many small thin silcrete flakes that we interpret as thinning flakes. Residue and use-wear analysis indicate occasional grinding of haematite and woodworking, as well as frequent abrading of platform edges on thinning flakes. We conclude that previous claims of extensive displacement of artefacts and post-depositional disturbance may have been overstated. The stone artefacts and stratigraphic details support previous claims for human occupation 50-60 ka and show that human occupation during this time differed from later periods. We discuss the implications of these new data for understanding the first human colonisation of Sahul.Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Upper Pleistocene fossil hominids from Sri Lanka
[J].Between 1978 and 1983 hominid skeletal remains were collected from the cave sites of Batadomba lena and Beli lena Kitulgala in Sri Lanka (formerly Ceylon). These are the most ancient specimens of anatomically modern Homo sapiens found thus far in South Asia, radiocarbon dates placing them in the Upper Pleistocene. Morphometric analysis of the remains of some 38 individuals from the two sites indicates that these populations were characterized by medium stature, moderate to pronounced cranial and postcranial robusticity, medium-size permanent tooth crown measurements, prognathic alveolar facial proportions, and low incidence of osseous and dental pathological conditions. Comparisons of these ancient Sri Lankans with other prehistoric skeletal series from South Asia and elsewhere support the hypothesis that muscular-skeletal robusticity was a significant physical adaptation of earlier hunting-foraging populations. A trend towards reduction of sexual dimorphism and development of more gracile body form and smaller teeth appears to have accelerated with the socioeconomic transition to food-production strategies involving agriculture and pastoralism and refinement of technologies for food procurement and preparation, as documented by morphometric studies of later prehistoric inhabitants of South Asia.
People of the ancient rainforest: Late Pleistocene foragers at the Batadomba-lena rockshelter, Sri Lanka
[J].
DOI:10.1016/j.jhevol.2011.04.001
PMID:21777951
[本文引用: 1]
Batadomba-lena, a rockshelter in the rainforest of southwestern Sri Lanka, has yielded some of the earliest evidence of Homo sapiens in South Asia. H. sapiens foragers were present at Batadomba-lena from ca. 36,000 cal BP to the terminal Pleistocene and Holocene. Human occupation was sporadic before the global Last Glacial Maximum (LGM). Batadomba-lena's Late Pleistocene inhabitants foraged for a broad spectrum of plant and mainly arboreal animal resources (monkeys, squirrels and abundant rainforest snails), derived from a landscape that retained equatorial rainforest cover through periods of pronounced regional aridity during the LGM. Juxtaposed hearths, palaeofloors with habitation debris, postholes, excavated pits, and animal and plant remains, including abundant Canarium nutshells, reflect intensive habitation of the rockshelter in times of monsoon intensification and biome reorganisation after ca. 16,000 cal BP. This period corresponds with further broadening of the economic spectrum, evidenced though increased contribution of squirrels, freshwater snails and Canarium nuts in the diet of the rockshelter occupants. Microliths are more abundant and morphologically diverse in the earliest, pre-LGM layer and decline markedly during intensified rockshelter use on the wane of the LGM. We propose that changing toolkits and subsistence base reflect changing foraging practices, from shorter-lived visits of highly mobile foraging bands in the period before the LGM, to intensified use of Batadomba-lena and intense foraging for diverse resources around the site during and, especially, following the LGM. Traces of ochre, marine shell beads and other objects from an 80 km-distant shore, and, possibly burials reflect symbolic practices from the outset of human presence at the rockshelter. Evidence for differentiated use of space (individual hearths, possible habitation structures) is present in LGM and terminal Pleistocene layers. The record of Batadomba-lena demonstrates that Late Pleistocene pathways to (aspects of) behavioural 'modernity' (composite tools, practice of symbolism and ritual, broad spectrum economy) were diverse and ecologically contingent.Copyright © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Dhaba: An initial report on an Acheulean, Middle Palaeolithic and microlithic locality in the Middle Son Valley, north-central India
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.quaint.2011.09.007 URL [本文引用: 1]
Continuity of microblade technology in the Indian subcontinent since 45 ka: Implications for the dispersal of modern humans
[J].
Deep skull from Niah Cave and the Pleistocene peopling of Southeast Asia
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Upper Pleistocene Homo sapiens from the Tabon cave (Palawan, The Philippines): description and dating of new discoveries
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U-series and radiocarbon analyses of human and faunal remains from Wajak, Indonesia
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DOI:10.1016/j.jhevol.2012.11.002
PMID:23465338
[本文引用: 1]
Laser ablation U-series dating results on human and faunal bone fragments from Wajak, Indonesia, indicate a minimum age of between 37.4 and 28.5 ka (thousands of years ago) for the whole assemblage. These are significantly older than previously published radiocarbon estimates on bone carbonate, which suggested a Holocene age for a human bone fragment and a late Pleistocene age for a faunal bone. The analysis of the organic components in the faunal material show severe degradation and a positive δ(13)C ratio indicate a high degree of secondary carbonatisation. This may explain why the thermal release method used for the original age assessments yielded such young ages. While the older U-series ages are not in contradiction with the morphology of the Wajak human fossils or Javanese biostratigraphy, they will require a reassessment of the evolutionary relationships of modern human remains in Southeast Asia and Oceania. It can be expected that systematic direct dating of human fossils from this area will lead to further revisions of our understanding of modern human evolution.Copyright © 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Reconstructing Late Pleistocene climates, landscapes, and human activities in northern Borneo from excavations in the Niah Caves
[A]. In: Kaifu Y, Izuho M, Goebel T, et al (Eds.). Emergence and diversity of modern human behavior in Paleolithic Asia[C]. College Station: Texas A&M University Press,
Human emergence and adaptation to an island environment in the Philippine Paleolithic
[A]. In: Kaifu Y, Izuho M, Goebel T, et al (Eds.). Emergence and diversity of modern human behavior in Paleolithic Asia[C]. College Station: Texas A&M University Press,
Plant processing experiments and use-wear analysis of Tabon Cave artefacts question the intentional character of denticulates in prehistoric Southeast Asia
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.jasrep.2020.102334 URL [本文引用: 1]
New evidence for Southeast Asian Pleistocene foraging economies: Faunal remains from the early levels of Lang Rongrien rockshelter, Krabi, Thailand
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Cave Archaeology in Southeast Asia
[J].DOI:10.1002/(SICI)1520-6548(199709)12:6<607::AID-GEA5>3.0.CO;2-2 URL [本文引用: 2]
Early modern human lithic technology from Jerimalai, East Timor
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DOI:S0047-2484(16)30113-0
PMID:27886810
[本文引用: 2]
Jerimalai is a rock shelter in East Timor with cultural remains dated to 42,000 years ago, making it one of the oldest known sites of modern human activity in island Southeast Asia. It has special global significance for its record of early pelagic fishing and ancient shell fish hooks. It is also of regional significance for its early occupation and comparatively large assemblage of Pleistocene stone artefacts. Three major findings arise from our study of the stone artefacts. First, there is little change in lithic technology over the 42,000 year sequence, with the most noticeable change being the addition of new artefact types and raw materials in the mid-Holocene. Second, the assemblage is dominated by small chert cores and implements rather than pebble tools and choppers, a pattern we argue pattern, we argue, that is common in island SE Asian sites as opposed to mainland SE Asian sites. Third, the Jerimalai assemblage bears a striking resemblance to the assemblage from Liang Bua, argued by the Liang Bua excavation team to be associated with Homo floresiensis. We argue that the near proximity of these two islands along the Indonesian island chain (c.100 km apart), the long antiquity of modern human occupation in the region (as documented at Jerimalai), and the strong resemblance of distinctive flake stone technologies seen at both sites, raises the intriguing possibility that both the Liang Bua and Jerimalai assemblages were created by modern humans.Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
A new 44,000-year sequence from Asitau Kuru (Jerimalai), Timor-Leste, indicates long-term continuity in human behaviour
[J].
DOI:10.1007/s12520-019-00840-5
[本文引用: 3]
In this paper, we look at a situation of long-term continuity to understand the circumstances that mediate against behavioural change. Using newly excavated material from Asitau Kuru, Timor-Leste, we assess continuity in stone tool technology, as well as pigment and bead use over a span of 44,000 years. The sequence is divided into three occupation phases: a Pleistocene occupation from similar to 44,000 to 15,000 years ago, an early to middle Holocene occupation from similar to 10,000 to 5000 years ago and a Neolithic occupation from similar to 3800 years ago to the recent past. Across these three phases, there are distinct continuities in the way stone tools are made, and the use of red ochre and Oliva beads. We suggest that the unusually high relief topography of the Wallacean Archipelago ensured continuity in several parameters of potential behavioural change, including available environments, proximity to the sea and island size. Given the long-term continuity, the similarities with stone artefacts elsewhere in Wallacea and the early dates for human occupation in Wallacea from this excavation, we suggest that the stone tool technology documented here was introduced by an early dispersing population of Homo sapiens.
Cave archaeology and sampling issues in the tropics: A case study from Lene Hara Cave, a 42,000 year old occupation site in East Timor, Island Southeast Asia
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The Paleolithic flake industry in Vietnam
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Long-continuous or short-occasional occupation? The human use of Leang Sarru rockshelter in the Talaud Islands, northeastern Indonesia
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Technological and behavioural complexity in expedient industries: The importance of use-wear analysis for understanding flake assemblages
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A reassessment of the early archaeological record at Leang Burung 2, a Late Pleistocene rock-shelter site on the Indonesian island of Sulawesi
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Shell artefact production at 32,000-28,000 BP in Island Southeast Asia: Thinking across media?
[J].DOI:10.1086/520131 URL [本文引用: 1]
Usewear on the platform: ‘use-flakes’ and ‘retouch-flakes’ from northern Australia and Timor
[A]. In: Lemorini C, Cesaro SN (Eds.). An integration of the use-wear and residue analysis for the identification of the function of archaeological stone tools[C]. Oxford: Archaeopress,
Pleistocene cave art from Sulawesi, Indonesia
[J].DOI:10.1038/nature13422 URL [本文引用: 1]
An enduring shell artefact tradition from Timor-Leste: Oliva bead oroduction from the Pleistocene to late Holocene at Jerimalai, Lene Hara, and Matja Kuru 1 and 2
[J].
New evidence from East Timor contributes to our understanding of earliest modern human colonisation east of the Sunda Shelf
[J].DOI:10.1017/S0003598X00095569 URL [本文引用: 1]
New ages for human occupation and climatic change at Lake Mungo, Australia
[J].DOI:10.1038/nature01383 URL [本文引用: 1]
Carpenters Gap 1: A 47,000 year old record of indigenous adaption and innovation
[J].DOI:10.1016/j.quascirev.2018.05.016 URL [本文引用: 2]
World’s earliest ground-edge axe production coincides with human colonisation of Australia
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A > 46,000-year-old kangaroo bone implement from Carpenter's Gap 1 (Kimberley, northwest Australia)
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Cultural innovation and megafauna interaction in the early settlement of arid Australia
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Human adaptation and plant use in highland New Guinea 49,000 to 44,000 Years Ago
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DOI:10.1126/science.1193130
PMID:20929808
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After their emergence by 200,000 years before the present in Africa, modern humans colonized the globe, reaching Australia and New Guinea by 40,000 to 50,000 years ago. Understanding how humans lived and adapted to the range of environments in these areas has been difficult because well-preserved settlements are scarce. Data from the New Guinea Highlands (at an elevation of ~2000 meters) demonstrate the exploitation of the endemic nut Pandanus and yams in archaeological sites dated to 49,000 to 36,000 years ago, which are among the oldest human sites in this region. The sites also contain stone tools thought to be used to remove trees, which suggests that the early inhabitants cleared forest patches to promote the growth of useful plants.
Late Pleistocene colonisation and adaptation in New Guinea: implications for modelling modern human behaviour
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The taming of the rain forests: a model for Late Pleistocene forest exploitation in New Guinea
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Both half right: Updating the evidence for dating first human arrivals in Sahul
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Prehistoric hunting strategies in New Ireland, Papua New Guinea: The evidence of the Cuscus (Phalanger orientalis) remains from Buang Merabak Cave
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A shark-tooth ornament from Pleistocene Sahul
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Going big versus going small: Lithic miniaturization in hominin lithic technology
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PMID:30924224
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Lithic miniaturization was one of our Pleistocene ancestors' more pervasive stone tool production strategies and it marks a key difference between human and non-human tool use. Frequently equated with "microlith" production, lithic miniaturization is a more complex, variable, and evolutionarily consequential phenomenon involving small backed tools, bladelets, small retouched tools, flakes, and small cores. In this review, we evaluate lithic miniaturization's various technological and functional elements. We examine archeological assumptions about why prehistoric stoneworkers engaged in processes of lithic miniaturization by making small stone tools, small elongated tools, and small retouched and backed tools. We point to functional differences that motivate different aspects of lithic miniaturization and several instances where archeological systematics have possibly led archeologists to false negative findings about lithic miniaturization. Finally, we suggest productive avenues by which archeologists can move closer to understanding the complex evolutionary forces driving variability in lithic miniaturization.© 2019 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Introduction: Thinking small globally
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Late Middle Pleistocene Levallois stone-tool technology in southwest China
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